A measure derived by dividing the total number of males by the total number of females, and then multiplying by 100. This measure is rounded to the nearest tenth.

A question on the sex of individuals has been included in every census. Census 2000 was the first time that first name was used for imputation of cases where sex was not reported.

Median age divides the age distribution into two equal parts: one-half of the cases falling below the median age and one-half above the median. Median age is computed on the basis of a single year of age standard distribution (see the "Standard Distributions" section under "Derived Measures"). Median age is rounded to the nearest tenth. (For more information on medians, see "Derived Measures".)

The most general limitation for many decades has been the tendency of people to overreport ages or years of birth that end in zero or 5. This phenomenon is called "age heaping." In addition, the counts in the 1970 and 1980 censuses for people 100 years old and over were substantially overstated. So also were the counts of people 69 years old in 1970 and 79 years old in 1980. Improvements have been made since then in the questionnaire design and in the imputation procedures that have minimized these problems.

Review of detailed 1990 census information indicated that respondents tended to provide their age as of the date of completion of the questionnaire, not their age as of April 1, 1990. One reason this happened was that respondents were not specifically instructed to provide their age as of April 1, 1990. Another reason was that data collection efforts continued well past the census date. In addition, there may have been a tendency for respondents to round their age up if they were close to having a birthday. It is likely that approximately 10 percent of people in most age groups were actually 1 year younger. For most single years of age, the misstatements were largely offsetting. The problem is most pronounced at age zero because people lost to age 1 probably were not fully offset by the inclusion of babies born after April 1, 1990. Also, there may have been more rounding up to age 1 to avoid reporting age as zero years. (Age in complete months was not collected for infants under age 1.)

The reporting of age 1 year older than true age on April 1, 1990, is likely to have been greater in areas where the census data were collected later in calendar year 1990. The magnitude of this problem was much less in the 1960, 1970, and 1980 censuses where age was typically derived from respondent data on year of birth and quarter of birth.

These shortcomings were minimized in Census 2000 because age was usually calculated from exact date of birth and because respondents were specifically asked to provide their age as of April 1, 2000. (For more information on the design of the age question, see the section below that discusses "Comparability.")

Age data have been collected in every census. For the first time since 1950, the 1990 data were not available by quarter year of age. This change was made so that coded information could be obtained for both age and year of birth. In 2000, each individual has both an age and an exact date of birth. In each census since 1940, the age of a person was assigned when it was not reported. In censuses before 1940, with the exception of 1880, people of unknown age were shown as a separate category. Since 1960, assignment of unknown age has been performed by a general procedure described as "imputation." The specific procedures for imputing age have been different in each census. (For more information on imputation, see "Accuracy of the Data.")

The 1990 census data products did not include a general disability status indicator. Furthermore, a comparable indicator could not be constructed since the conceptual framework of the 1990 census was more limited. The questionnaire included only three types of disability in questions with four subparts. The questions asked about whether an individual had a condition that had lasted for 6 months or more and that (1) limited the kind or amount of work that he or she could do at a job, (2) prevented the individual from working at a job, (3) made it difficult to go outside the home alone (for example, to shop or visit a doctors office), and (4) made it difficult to take care of his or her own personal needs, such as bathing, dressing, or getting around inside the home. The 1990 disability questions were asked on the long form questionnaire of the population 15 years old and over.

All civilians 16 years old and over who were either (1) "at work" - those who did any work at all during the reference week as paid employees, worked in their own business or profession, worked on their own farm, or worked 15 hours or more as unpaid workers on a family farm or in a family business; or (2) were "with a job but not at work" - those who did not work during the reference week, but who had jobs or businesses from which they were temporarily absent because of illness, bad weather, industrial dispute, vacation, or other personal reasons. Excluded from the employed are people whose only activity consisted of work around their own house (painting, repairing, or own home housework) or unpaid volunteer work for religious, charitable, and similar organizations. Also excluded are all institutionalized people and people on active duty in the United States Armed Forces.

This term is defined exactly the same as the term "employed" above.

All civilians 16 years old and over were classified as unemployed if they were neither "at work" nor "with a job but not at work" during the reference week, were looking for work during the last 4 weeks, and were available to start a job. Also included as unemployed were civilians 16 years old and over who: did not work at all during the reference week, were on temporary layoff from a job, had been informed that they would be recalled to work within the next 6 months or had been given a date to return to work, and were available to return to work during the reference week, except for temporary illness. Examples of job seeking activities were:

• Registering at a public or private employment office
• Meeting with prospective employers
• Investigating possibilities for starting a professional practice or opening a business
• Placing or answering advertisements
• Writing letters of application
• Being on a union or professional register

Consists of people classified as employed or unemployed in accordance with the criteria described above.

All people classified in the civilian labor force (i.e., "employed" and "unemployed" people), plus members of the U.S. Armed Forces (people on active duty with the United States Army, Air Force, Navy, Marine Corps, or Coast Guard).

All people 16 years old and over who are not classified as members of the labor force. This category consists mainly of students, individuals taking care of home or family, retired workers, seasonal workers enumerated in an off-season who were not looking for work, institutionalized people (all institutionalized people are placed in this category regardless of any work activities they may have done in the reference week), and people doing only incidental unpaid family work (fewer than 15 hours during the reference week).

The terms "worker" and "work" appear in connection with several subjects: employment status, journey-to-work, class of worker, and work status in 1999. Their meaning varies and, therefore, should be determined by referring to the definition of the subject in which they appear.

When used in the concepts "Workers in Family," "Workers in Family in 1999," and "Full-Time,< Year-Round Workers," the term "worker" relates to the meaning of work defined for the "Work Status in 1999" subject.

See "Work status in 1999."

The census may understate the number of employed people because people who have irregular, casual, or unstructured jobs sometimes report themselves as not working. The number of employed people "at work" is probably overstated in the census (and conversely, the number of employed "with a job, but not at work" is understated) since some people who were on vacation or sick leave erroneously reported themselves as working. This problem has no effect on the total number of employed people. The reference week for the employment data is not the same calendar week for all people. Since people can change their employment status from 1 week to another, the lack of a uniform reference week may mean that the employment data do not reflect the reality of the employment situation of any given week. (For more information, see "Reference Week.")

Note: The Census Bureau is aware there may be a problem or problems in the employment-status data of Census 2000 Summary File 3 (including tables P38, P43-P46, P149A-I, P150A-I, PCT35, PCT69A-I, and PCT70A-I). The labor force data for some places where colleges are located appear to overstate the number in the labor force, the number unemployed, and the percent unemployed, probably because of reporting or processing error. The exact cause is unknown, but the Census Bureau will continue to research the problem.

The questionnaire items and employment status concepts for Census 2000 are essentially the same as those used in the 1970 to 1990 censuses. However, these concepts differ in many respects from those associated with the 1950 and 1960 censuses. Since employment data from the census are obtained from respondents in households, they differ from statistics based on reports from individual business establishments, farm enterprises, and certain government programs. People employed at more than one job are counted only once in the census and are classified according to the job at which they worked the greatest number of hours during the reference week. In statistics based on reports from business and farm establishments, people who work for more than one establishment may be counted more than once. Moreover, some establishment-based tabulations may exclude private household workers, unpaid family workers, and self-employed people, but may include workers less than 16 years old. Census tabulations count people who had a job but were not at work among the employed, but these people may be excluded from employment figures based on establishment payroll reports. Furthermore, census employment tabulations include people on the basis of place of residence regardless of where they work; whereas, establishment data report people at their place of work regardless of where they live. This latter consideration is particularly significant when comparing data for workers who commute between areas.

For several reasons, the unemployment figures of the Census Bureau are not comparable with published figures on unemployment compensation claims. For example, figures on unemployment compensation claims exclude people who have exhausted their benefit rights, new workers who have not earned rights to unemployment insurance, and people losing jobs not covered by unemployment insurance systems (including some workers in agriculture, domestic services, and religious organizations, and self-employed and unpaid family workers). In addition, the qualifications for drawing unemployment compensation differ from the definition of unemployment used by the Census Bureau. People working only a few hours during the week and people with a job, but not at work are sometimes eligible for unemployment compensation but are classified as "employed" in the census. Differences in the geographical distribution of unemployment data arise because the place where claims are filed may not necessarily be the same as the place of residence of the unemployed worker.

The figures on employment status from the decennial census are generally comparable with similar data collected in the Current Population Survey, which is the official source of the monthly national unemployment rate. However, some differences may exist because of variations between the two data sources in enumeration and processing techniques.

This category includes people who indicate their race as "Native Hawaiian" or who identify themselves as "Part Hawaiian" or "Hawaiian."

This category includes people who indicate their race as such, including written entries of Guam or Chamorro.

This category includes people who indicate their race as "Samoan" or who identify themselves as American Samoan or Western Samoan.

This category includes people who provide a write-in response of a Pacific Islander group such as Carolinian; Chuukese (Trukese); Fijian; Kosraean; Melanesian; Micronesian; Northern Mariana Islander; Palauan; Papua New Guinean; Pohnpeian; Polynesian; Solomon Islander; Tahitian; Tokelauan; Tongan; Yapese; or Other Pacific Islander, specified and Other Pacific Islander, not specified.